How the Blueprint Unfolded Part III -The Communalists

The Unfathomable Savarkar

Many people have tried to understand V. D. Savarkar, but they are usually left scratching their heads, funable to find their way out of his unfathomable contradictions. There is only one way to make sense of the contradictory positions he takes throughout his role as a “Freedom fighter.” His “Freedom fighter” roles are closely aligned to whatever Phoenician project being rolled out at that time, and they change accordingly.

Savarkar in his own words…

Interestingly, all major contradictions of Savarkar can also be observed in his 1857 book project, although it was more slanted towards a Unified Freedom Movement.

As a Proponent of a Unified Freedom Movement

Around 1909, when the Phoenicians decide to start a Freedom Movement based on the 1857 Playbook, with a unified front against the British from corner to corner, Savarkar gets involved in the production of the 1857 Book Project, which we discussed earlier.  In it, he repeatedly stresses a unified Hindu-Muslim front against the British. He also misleads the reader into thinking that the 1857 Rebellion was indeed a unified front involving the entire nation, from corner to corner (whereas Uttar Pradesh was its chief target area). He is clearly propagandizing 1857 to fit into the current project.

As a Proponent of a Violent Freedom Movement

The Phoenicians had decided the upcoming “Freedom Movements” would be violent, just like the 1857 Project. And Savarkar reminds us of the same, glorifying the violence against European civilians in the 1857 Project.

As a Proponent of Partition and Communal Violence

After the British would flee the violence, the next phase was the Partition of the Subcontinent into nation states initially based on religious identity. There would be horrific communal violence between Hindus and Muslims and Sikhs to get this through. Savarkar drops some hints about that in the same book. He also lets slip his knowledge of earlier Phoenician projects aimed as Muslims, such as those in Moorish Spain and Ottoman Europe.

The Political Career of Savarkar

Savarkar was born near the Spookopolis of Nasik to Chitpavani brahmins (who tend to be of Jewish origins). Savarkar had been involved in vandalizing a mosque as a 12 year old. He later joined a Spook school in Pune known as Fergusson College. He quickly scored a scholarship to “study law” in London. Savarkar joined Grays Inn in June 1906. At London, he was part of the hangout known as India House. Most Indian students making the investment to study in London avoided this place like the plague, as it was watched by British authorities, and being affiliated with it was a bad career move. In other words, the only people who affiliated with it and also had their careers/visas intact were Spooks.

At the India House, Savarkar was involved with the 1857 book project, which we discussed earlier. He was also involved with the Free India Society of Madam Cama. She was a Spook from Bombay, from the Parsi business royalty of that place, who were the most prolific collaborators of the British. While Savarkar did not publicly identify with the book at that time, his organisation’s name Abhinav Bharat can be seen in a postcard found in the 1910 edition of the book. Madam Cama is also listed in the postcard as a contact for ordering copies (with a Paris address).

At that time, a British Indian Army Officer named Curzon Wyllie happened to be a head of Secret Police in London. It seems he had compiled an extensive file on Savarkar,^[9]Vishav Bandhu, Biography of Madan Lal Dhingra Ebook Edition (New Delhi: Prabhat Prakashan 2020)no page number and maybe he had started connecting the dots to British Intelligence.^[10]There are other theories as well, as to why Curzon Wyllie was targeted. Wyllie served as the private secretary to acting governor William Huddleston till November 1881, subsequently overseeing the affairs of Malhar Rao Gaekwar of Baroda before taking the post of the assistant resident at Hyderabad from December 1881 to November 1882. Through the next 14 years, Wyllie served in political and government posts in a number of different places, mostly in Rajputana . During this time he oversaw relief for the famine of 1899-1900. In between 1893 and 1899, Wyllie was the officiating resident in Nepal when in February 1898 he was selected as the agent to the Governor-General in Central India. In May 1900 he was transferred in the same capacity to Rajputana, where he remained for the rest of his service in India. He was later the political aide-de-camp to the Secretary of State for India, Lord George Hamilton. Clearly, Wyllie was a man who had seen and known too much. One theory is that he was privy to the British plans for the future Partition of British India, and was leaking them. According to one source, he had even planted an informer at India House. Wyllie gets assassinated on 1^st July 1909 in London by Madan Lal Dhingra. According to Mark Juergensmeyer, Savarkar supplied the gun which Dhingra used, and Dhingra’s last statement was authored by Savarkar.^[11] Juergensmeyer, Mark. “Gandhi vs. Terrorism.” Daedalus, vol. 136, no. 1, 2007, pp. 30–39. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/20028087. Accessed 17th Aug. 2022. If Madan Lal Dhingra really did  this out of patriotism, why did he select the rather low-level Wyllie, who had an Indian wife and was actually sympathetic to Indians, rather than the hated Lord Curzon, who was also in London? We are told that Dhingra was hanged in London and buried instead of being cremated. Strangely enough, his body is repatriated to India on 13^th December 1976 (Note Spook Marker). We are told the British accidentally found his coffin somewhere. Or did he die in 1976? That would make him 93 years old at that time. Shortly after this episode, India House gets shut down.

Nobody points fingers at Savarkar in London. In fact, Savarkar debates with Gandhi over his non-violence philosophy when Gandhi visits London shortly later. Doesn’t that sound odd? A proponent of violence against the British stationed in the city of London?

On 21^st December 1909, Arthur Mason Tippetts Jackson, a British officer in Indian Civil Services was shot dead in the Spookopolis of Nasik.^[12]Three people are hanged, but without any witnesses, and their bodies are “cremated and thrown into the sea” rather than being released to their families. We are told that this was because he had committed the brother of Savarkar (Ganesh) to trial for his activities related to Abhinav Bharat. But again, Jackson was not involved in his sentencing and this was a routine duty for a magistrate. If he didn’t do it, someone else would have. The alleged motive makes no sense. We learn that Jackson was also an Indologist who contributed many papers on Indian history, books on folklore and culture. Was he about to publish some findings that may have irked the Phoenicians? After Jackson’s death, some of his findings were published by another British editor in 1915. We may never know what was left out. It seems Jackson was collecting folklore from the Konkan region, where we find several groups of Jewish origin but now identify as brahmins. Here is what Jackson said about Karhade brahmins:

Human sacrifices are not practised in these days, but among the Karhada Brahmans there is a practice of giving poison to animals in order to satisfy their family deity. It is said that they used to kill a Brahman by giving him poisoned food.

It is believed that the people belonging to the caste of Karhada Brahmans used to offer human sacrifices to their deity, and therefore nobody relies on a Karhada Brahman in these days. There is a proverb in Marathi which means that a man can trust even a Kasai or a butcher but not a Karhada.^[13]Arthur Mason Tippetts Jackson ed. Reginald Edward Enthoven, Folklore Notes Vol. II Konkan (Mazgaon, Bombay: British India Press, 1915) p. 80.

Needless to say, human sacrifices are of Phoenician origin, not Hindu origin.

Maybe Jackson was unaware of the role Karhade brahmins had been playing in the history of India. As we have seen earlier, the ruling elite of Jhansi State were Karhade brahmins. So was a rising Hindu nationalist M. S. Golwalkar. So was singer Lata Mangeshkar, considered to be greatest and most influential singers in India. The Kirloskar Business group also originated among them.

The British government had evidence that Savarkar had smuggled 20 Browning handguns into India, one of which was used in the assassination of A.M.T. Jackson.^[14]Vinayak Chaturvedi, Hindutva and Violence: V. D. Savarkar and the Politics of History (New York: State University of New York Press 2022) p. 114. On 13^th March 1910, Savarkar was deported to India. But en route, he “escaped” from the ship at Marseilles, but was caught by an alert policeman, and was put back on the ship. In Bombay, Savarkar was convicted and sentenced to 50-years imprisonment, and was transported on 4^th July 1911 to the Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. His brother Ganesh had already been sentenced to life imprisonment in the Cellular Jail in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands in 1909.

A Scottish politician protested Savarkar’s imprisonment in the British parliament.^[15]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 175. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022 Another British politician publicly condemned his detention, and we are told ended up forfeiting his pension.^[16]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 15. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022 Or were they publicizing his stay at the Andamans?

By 2^nd May 1921 both the Savarkar brothers are back in India! If Savarkar’s 50 year imprisonment could be reduced to 10 years and his brother’s life imprisonment could be reduced to 12 years (whereas other political prisoners would languish there indefintely), we have to ask, were they in the Cellular Jail at all times? A great deal has been done to make us think that they were.

• Savarkar later wrote an account of his time in the Andamans. While it is peppered with a lot of authentic information of the conditions in the Cellular Jail, some of it is unbelievable, such as an account of him defending Nana Saheb from allegations of raping European women.^[17] Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 70-71<https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. We are told he had this exchange with some Europeans who had read his 444 page book on 1857, and who showed up just to talk about it. But it is more likely that this was inserted for later readers.
• In his account, Savarkar keeps insisting that he was repeatedly put into solitary confinement, which means no one could witness him on the islands for weeks. He also claimed that his wife was allowed to meet him at Port Blair in 1919. ^[18]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 291 <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.. It is doubtful that other prisoners got such privileges.
• In his account, Savarkar claims British naval officers visited him, and even the wife of notorious jailer Barrie would visit him and give him fruit!^[19]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 268 <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. We have to remember that his account was published as a series in a newspaper. The initial cruel depictions of Barrie may have raised a lot of alarm.
• Savarkar would often intervene (on behalf of whom?) to prevent inmates from fasting onto death. He was against such strikes. ^[20]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 256 <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.
• Later we find Savarkar trying to establish “Hindu Raj” and Shuddhi movements aimed at Muslim convicts in the Andamans. To quote, “[The Savarkar brothers] always took delight in creating disaffection in the jail.”^[21]Bhai Parmanand, trans. Sundra Iyer and Lal Chand Dhawan, The Story of my Life (Lahore: The Central Hindu Yuvak Sabha: 1934). p. 126.
• In the Cellular Jail, the Indian government later put up stone plaques honoring just 513 prisoners (Whereas in reality, more than 80,000 prisoners had ended up on these islands). This list of prisoners was limited to home states in British India which became part of independent India only. And these states do not seem to be arranged alphabetically. For example, After Bombay and Punjab, the list jumps to the United Province and then to Bengal. The effect of keeping Bombay on the first plaque results in the weary traveler remembering that the Savarkar brothers made it to the list.
• In 1996, a big budget Indian movie was made on the Cellular Jail, which depicted Savarkar being tortured, despite him having little role in the storyline.
• The airport at Port Blair, Andaman and Nicobar’s capital, has been renamed Veer Savarkar International Airport.
• Savarkar’s supposed cell on the 2^nd floor of Wing No. 7^[22]S.N. Agarwal. The Heroes of the Cellular Jail Rev. Edition (New Delhi: Rupa) 312. has been turned into a tourist attraction. But in his autobiography, Savarkar claimed to be on the third floor of Wing No. 5. Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 291 <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. This wing no longer exists.
• Savarkar was put on an Indian stamp with the Cellular Jail in the background.
• Even a statue of Savarkar was installed in the Andamans in 1999.
• Indian Comic book publisher Amar Chithra Katha depicted Savarkar at the Cellular Jail being chained to an oil mill. He still has his glasses on though (the sweat would make them fall off, and personal items were actually confiscated upon entry).
• In British India there was a movement to completely close down the the prison system and penal colony in the Andamans. Savarkar opposed this, saying that he was in favour of a penal colony!^[23]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 344 <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. It was evident that keeping the prison colony only helped the British base on the island. But Savarkar dangles some carrots in his memoir, assuring his followers that India would one day inherit the British base (India did, but by happenstance), and as such, they needed a colony of Indian prisoners. He was also against presently settled prisoners being allowed to return to the Indian mainland.^[24]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 346 <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. This lack of sympathy for fellow-prisoners is perplexing.

For the sake of argument, let’s assume that the Savarkar brothers were in the Andamans from around 1911 to 1921 (Remember that the Andamans is a big place, with the luxurious, resort-like Ross island for top-tier Phoenicians). Something big was happening around this time. That was World War I. Was Savarkar trying one last ditch attempt at starting violent freedom struggle in India from the Andamans?

 

Something big was happening around this time. That was World War I. Was Savarkar trying one last ditch attempt at starting violent freedom struggle in India from the Andamans?

The German Navy was now in the Indian Ocean, and there was a German presence at Sumatra. Recall from the earlier section that Jatindranath Mukherjee (a trusted aide of Aurobindo) ended up getting killed at Balasore on the Orissa coast around September 1915. He was there to pick up a clandestine German arms shipment, which had been arranged by the master-spook M. N. Roy. To quote,

In April 1915, after meeting with Jatin, Naren Bhattacharya (the future M. N. Roy) went to Batavia, to make a deal with the German authorities concerning financial aid and the supply of arms. Through the German consul, Naren met Theodore, brother of Karl Helfferich, who assured him that a cargo of arms and ammunition was already on its way, “to assist the Indians in a revolution”.

But was it just arms that the Germans planned to land in Orissa?. According to M. N. Roy in a posthumous memoir,

The plan was to use German ships interned in a port at the northern tip of Sumatra, to storm the Andaman Islands and free and arm the prisoners there, and land the army of liberation on the Orissa coast. The ships were armoured, as many big German vessels were, ready for wartime use. They also carried several guns each. The crew was composed of naval ratings. They had to escape from the internment camp, seize the ships, and sail…. Several hundred rifles and other small arms with an adequate supply of ammunition could be acquired through Chinese smugglers who would get then on board the ships.^[25] M.N. Roy, M.N. Roy’s Memoirs (Delhi: Ajanta Publications, 1984) p. 4-5.

Note that “Chinese smugglers” is a euphemism for the Communist Party of China.  Savarkar had a connection to their predecessors. To quote him,

When in England, I used to write on India in the newspapers connected with the Chinese revolutionary movement led by Dr. Sun-yet-Sen. Some of them remembered me as late as the years 1915 and 1916. And I had the consolation that my work had not all gone in vain.^[26]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 251. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

If all the hundreds of political prisoners in the Andaman were to be liberated, they would need to have a secret leader and a secret communication network coordinating with the Germans. They would also need a secret organization in India to coordinate with (Abhinav Bharat?). They would also need to detonate the walls of the prison to escape when the time came. They would also need smaller boats to make it to the larger German ships. Was that what Savarkar was there for? We do get some hints from his memoir of some kind of failed op. To quote,

The search and arrest party was manned entirely by European officers. And it did its work with terrible efficiency. It threatened, it shouted, it scolded and it terrorised till the whole of the colony was stricken with nervousness and fear. The cause of all this noise and fury was that the officers had information of a bomb- factory started in the island by political prisoners working in the settlement. And it was not altogether without foundation. But the search and the arrests afforded no clue to it. Even a cracker did not come out in the search, not to speak of a bomb. The informant was a Bengali gentleman, Lalmohan by name. On two other occasions he had similarly put the Officers on a false trail. The officers were, of course, furious with him. It was the same warder who was suspected by them of delivering Hotilal’s letter from the prison to its proper quarters. The warder had perhaps raised the canard to propitiate the gods he had displeased. However that be, the political prisoners suffered terribly by this tale- telling of Lalmohan. Rumours were afloat that a bomb was found in an adjoining brook that letters were intercepted by the police containing the plan of chartering boats to take the prisoners across the seas. No one was sure of what he was saying and what he had heard. The only thing one was sure of was the wholesale arrest of political prisoners and their being clapped back into their cells. Now we knew why the Chief Commissioner had gone to Rangoon.^[27]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 170. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

Needless to say, the prisoners from the Cellular Jail would not be sufficient to establish an armed presence in Orissa. This is where Lala Har Dayal and the Ghadr Party come into the picture. Lala Har Dayal was tasked with landing shiploads of overseas Indian fighters into Punjab and Orissa. The Ghadr Party had been created specifically for this purpose. In fact, the Ghadr party was created on 15^th July 1913, exactly within this timeframe. In addition, there was a plan to have British-Indian soldiers in Singapore and elsewhere revolt and set sail for Orissa. In fact, this is what was originally intended of the Singapore Mutiny of 27^th January 1915. In fact, Savarkar pointedly mentions an alliance with the Ghadr Party, and that he was still in contact with them while in the Andamans. To quote,

England and Germany, being on bitter terms with each other, this notion swayed the mind of Germany more than that of anyone else. The German officials tried consequently to establish a direct contact with our workers. One or two of our outstanding leaders had made their permanent home in Germany for that purpose. And those of us who had settled in America wrote in our Newspaper, ‘Gadar’, published in that country, that Germany would soon go to war with England, and, therefore, they must be ready to use the opportunity to make the final effort to liberate India. We used to know about it in our prison in the Andamans.^[28]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 230. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

The movements of the German Navy seem to confirm this. In September 1914, the German light cruiser Emden bombarded Madras, which was strangely lit up at night, despite blackout orders. Around this time, it had been circling the Andamans. There were also reports of other German submarines. To quote Savarkar,

The harbour of Port Blair was not of such value to her [the Emden]. Why then did the submarine ply in these waters? I felt it was to bombard the Silver Jail and to set all of us free. I can say freely now how a doctor friend had managed to send me a message in the Andamans that the Abhinav Bharat and other revolutionary societies m Europe had contacted the Kaiser and arranged that a submarine should come over here to bombard the place and release us. It was then to rush into Burma and help to create a violent revolution m India by all arms and ammunition necessary for that task. The ordinary prisoners were full of high hopes. They changed the slogan of “a free days now” into the password of “today or tomorrow.” “Brother, today or tomorrow we shall be free” that was a mode of greetmg that had become common among them.^[29]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 243. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

We have seen in the earlier section that a lot of Ghadr Party operatives were arrested and tried in British Burma. So this does tally with the idea of front being opened up in Burma.

In preparation for freeing the prisoners, the Emden was also blockading British supplies to the Andamans. To quote,

For the Emden, moving around, had almost hemmed us in. The wireless messages sent by the Chief Commissioner to Calcutta for monetary help were duly intercepted released by the Emden, and when the ship laden with money was on her way to the Andamans, the submarine caught her and looted the treasure. The Andamans felt keenly the shortage of food-stuffs once or twice; for the ships could not ply the water, for months together, from Rangoon, Calcutta and Madras to this place. In this situation none could say definitely how long we could hold out […….]^[30]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 245. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

How did Savarkar know all of this as a prisoner? Anyway Savarkar claims he laid out a plan for all the prisoners. He also ends up confirming the conspiracy. To quote,

The plans of the submarine were clear to my mind as I knew the movements of the Indian revolutionaries abroad. In that light I made the position clear to my political colleagues as well as to other prisoners in my confidence. And I prepared a line of action to meet such an emergency. I communicated it to all of them,  that they might be ready for the day and be not caught napping. “Do not believe like fools that the Britishers can be so easily overthrown” I told them. But restricting ourselves to the Andamans, and in case the Emden succeeds in capturing and turning it into a centre for a possible revolution in India, we must be prepared to defend ourselves and do our duty to our country. We are not to be misled by foolish hope or useless despair. Whatever we decide upon, we must decide by wise and selfless attitude of mind. It was my effort, during these trying days of doubt and hope to awaken the prisoners the sense of caution, alertness and duty

The publication of the Rowlatt Committee’s Report, in subsequent years, had made It evident that the Emden had such designs in approaching the shores of the Andamans, and that my forecast was not altogether without foundation. The account of revolutionary activities in India outside, given in that Report, and their connection with Germany, makes it plain enough that, at least, during the first year of war, their plans were definitely to capture the Andamans and release us. And I know that these were not idle speculations but had nearly succeeded in the Emden’s prowling activities about these shores. The European officers on these islands, in their later reports, confirmed our fears of such possible happenings. ^[31]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 245. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

In his memoir, Savarkar also claimed to be improvising some kind of communication system for the inmates. To quote,

We had shackles on our feet and they had manacles on their hands. We rang them on the bars of our doors according to a particular code. And the news went round not only through the three or four adjoining rooms but through all the storeys of the near-by blocks. And in this mode of communication there was no scope for the warders to betray us. We carried on the communication in English to start with. My brother remodelled it into Nagari. Thus we had a pure Swadeshi telegraphic code and message to run through the whole building. Marconi may have invented the wireless for the world. My brother hit upon the plan for our prison before Marconi’s Invention had reached the world of the Andamans.^[32]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 175. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

Back then, there was a leading English newspaper called the Capital. It was colonial India’s oldest financial newspaper, covering trade, economic output, industry, infrastructure development, public affairs and current events. It was founded by businessmen Shirley Tremearne and W. H. Targett in Calcutta 1888. It claimed that Savarkar’s brother Ganesh was communicating with the Germans by wireless.^[33]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 176. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.

In the aftermath of this failed op, an important British Spook (and later Governor of Burma), Sir Reginald Craddock came to visit the Andamans and personally interrogate Savarkar. It seems the British authorities were trying their best to cover up the failed plot, as it would doom Savarkar’s early release. In his memoir, Savarkar tells us that this interview was a chitchat about prisoner rights and Indian history.^[34]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 174. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. Similarly, Jatindranath Mukherjee may have been deliberately killed by the British on the Orissa coast, as taking him and his followers alive could expose the conspiracy all the way up to Aurobindo and Savarkar. Similarly around this time, entire movements such as the Ghadr Party and Jugantar were immediately thrown under the bus, with their operatives being deported to the Andamans, rather than risk having them point fingers at higher ups.

There are indications that both the British and the Germans were colluding. For example, the German cruiser Emden ran on coal. And it coaled at Nicobar in October 1914. In September 1914, it was having engine maintenance done at the British port of Diego Garcia, while its crew disembarked for a well-deserved rest. With the British and the Germans both colluding to land Savarkar in Orissa as the public head of a Revolutionary Freedom Movement, what could go wrong? It seems that some lower level American officials found out and raised a huge alarm. To quote,

A network of Czech and Slovak revolutionaries and emigrants had a role in the uncovering of Jatin’s plans. Its members in the United States, headed by E. V. Voska, were, as Habsburg subjects, presumed to be German supporters, but were actually involved in spying on German and Austrian diplomats. Voska had begun working with Guy Gaunt, who headed Courtenay Bennett’s intelligence network, at the outbreak of the war and on learning of the plot from the members of the network in Europe, passed on the information to Gaunt and to Tomáš Masaryk who further passed on the information the Americans.

Later in San Francisco, we have the trials for the “Hindu-German Conspiracy” commencing in November 1917, which was more of an attempt at a cover-up, considering the length of the trial and the murder of witnesses. It was possible to completely conceal things in European countries like Germany and Britain (and its colonies like British India). But the USA of back then still required a formal cover-up.

On the other hand, if the Phoenicians had managed to land Savarkar and all the freed prisoners (and now heavily armed) in Orissa and Burma, with Aurobindo’s network already active in Orissa, and the Ghadr Party landing new fighters in Punjab, the Phoenicians could easily commence a violent “Freedom Movement.” They would also be able to leave behind legitimate leaders like Gandhi and the Congress in ignominy, as the new movement took centre stage. It is therefore necessary to scrutinize other prominent political prisoners who were with Savarkar in the Andamans during this time (and even later). As some were indeed top tier localized Phoenicians, who were all slated to become future leaders of the Subcontinent. And maybe they were hanging out at Ross island rather than the Cellular jail (most of the time). One such “leader” at the Cellular Jail at that time was Arya Samaj activist Bhai Parmanand, a mysterious Mohyal brahmin.

On the other hand, if the Phoenicians had managed to land Savarkar and all the freed prisoners (and now heavily armed) in Orissa and Burma, with Aurobindo’s network already active in Orissa, and the Ghadr Party landing new fighters in Punjab, the Phoenicians could easily commence a violent “Freedom Movement.” They would also be able to leave behind legitimate leaders like Gandhi and the Congress in ignominy, as the new movement took centre stage.

We are told that after being propitiously discharged from the Andamans in 1921, Savarkar and his brother were in a jail in Ratnagiri till 1923. In his account, Savarkar says that he was transferred to Yerawada Central Jail in Pune in 1923.^[35]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 374. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022.. We learn that he was made Chief of the Quinine factory of the prison hospital, and was paid a visit by the Governor of Bombay for an agreement for his future release.^[36]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 376-377. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. His account trails off there, but he does mention that he signed “…a pledge of enforced abstinence from current politics,”^[37]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 378. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022., but the details are hazy. He was released from Yerwada Central Jail in Pune on 5^th January 1924, and sent to a bungalow in Ratnagiri. And why would the British choose Ratnagiri of all places in British India? Was it because it was an ancient stronghold of the Chitpavani brahmins? There are theories that this was where they had initially landed in India by sailboat in ancient times. In other words, Savarkar was having an extended family reunion, while also meeting and hobnobbing with important leaders of the Freedom Struggle.

Why exactly would the Savarkar brothers be put back in British India by May 1921? In early 1922, we have the staged Chauri Chaura incident, after which it was expected that Gandhi and the Congress party would embrace violence against the British.

Why exactly would the Savarkar brothers be put back in British India by May 1921? In early 1922, we have the staged Chauri Chaura incident, after which it was expected that Gandhi and the Congress party would embrace violence against the British. Savarkar’s Abhinav Bharat and Aurobindo’s Anushilan Samity and its connected organizations were also expected to jump into the fray. And for that to happen, Savarkar had to be in India to manage things. Aurobindo already was, and he had barely escaped conviction by having Jatindranath Mukherjee take the fall in 1915.

The idea was that once the Congress embraced violence, British colonial authorities would destroy it. They would hang Gandhi and other genuine leaders. Of course, there would be outrage, but this would only create a vacuum that would enable leaders like Savarkar, Aurobindo and others to emerge as the only remaining leaders of the Freedom Movement.

The Chauri Chaura incident unfolded as planned, but Gandhi still refused to embrace violence. It was at this point that the Phoenicians realized that it would not be possible to kickstart a violent Freedom Movement with the Congress. And with Gandhi and the Congress still monopolizing the Freedom Movement, there probably would not be any future Partition.

So the Phoenicians were suddenly forced to shift the goalposts. Instead of the Partition taking place after the British left, and being initiated exclusively by pretend-Indian leaders, they now had to initiate the Partition before the British left. The problem was that everyone with working eyes and minds would see the Partition as a British conspiracy. And so, compromised leaders such as Savarkar and others were directed to suddenly change script. Instead of calling for a unified front for a violent freedom struggle, they were to now push their followers for a Religious Partition, to be achieved with British cooperation! What a change of script.

Instead of calling for a unified front for a violent freedom struggle, they were to now push their followers for a Religious Partition, to be achieved with British cooperation! What a change of script!

Around this time, Savarkar displays the most astounding change of script. At the Andamans he was seen by everyone as an agent of Germany,^[39]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 246. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. and there were all those failed plans of landing on the Orissa and Burma coast with German assistance. Of course, he is careful not to divulge that part in his later memoirs. But in his later memoirs, he desperately warns his readers^[40]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 237. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. against any alliance with Germany, because such notions were inadvertently strengthening the Khilafat Movement (Ottoman Turkey was an ally of Germany). In reality, the Khilafat Movement had developed into a homegrown non-cooperation movement, endorsed by Gandhi, which was not only bringing Hindus and Muslims together, but also bringing severe hardship for British corporations.

The Phoenicians were now dealing with a paradox. The British suddenly had to Partition the country, while at the same time, they were in charge of “maintaining law and order,” which means preventing the displacement of populations. This was quite a departure from the original plan, where the Partition would be accomplished by pretend-local leaders, in the power vacuum of lawlessness and anarchy created by the British departure.

The Phoenicians were now dealing with a paradox. The British suddenly had to Partition the country, while at the same time, they were in charge of “maintaining law and order,” which means preventing the displacement of populations. This was quite a departure from the original plan, where the Partition would be accomplished by pretend-local leaders, in the power vacuum of lawlessness and anarchy created by the British departure.

And at the same time, the Phoenicians were on a tight schedule. They had to stage the British withdrawal from India. Because if the British continued administering the newly created countries, everyone with working eyes and minds would see that these new nation states were not theirs. And they would also see that the crypto-Phoenician leaders of these new nation states were not theirs either.

The end result was a strange paradox of the nation states of modern India and Pakistan being created from scratch by the British in 1947 amidst the Partition violence (with 2 million deaths and 20 million displaced), while the British simultaneously departing (“Wasn’t me” style). The nation states were “proclaimed” even before their boundaries were formalized (First nations establish their boundaries and then announce their nationhood, not the other way round). It seems the ambiguity in boundaries was deliberate as “Sikhistan” was yet to be created. Interestingly, one of the earliest proponents of “Sikhistan was V. D. Savarkar. The problem was that the population of the Punjab had Sikhs, Muslims and Hindus enmeshed together for centuries. And a “Sikhistan” would require a majority Sikh area. Therefore a majority Sikh area was instantly created on the Indian side through communal violence, which displaced all the Muslims to Pakistan (and all the Sikhs in Pakistani Punjab to India). By then, the British were almost gone and the newly powerful Indian leaders of the Congress Party were in no mood to approve of a Sikh state.

Going back to Savarkar, it is common consensus that Savarkar suddenly transformed into a “Hindu Nationalist” after returning from the Cellular Jail in the Andamans. To be more precise, it was after the Chauri Chaura incident of 1922. It seems he got the memo. Around 1923, Savarkar suddenly publishes a screed called The Essentials of Hindutva. Though we are told he wrote it up earlier in his prison years. During the years 1925-26, Savarkar starts publishing his account of his time in the Andamans in a Marathi newspaper run by Bal Gangadhar Tilak. In it he repeatedly highlights the mistreatment of prisoners by Muslim wardens (while ignoring the plight of Muslim prisoners). He even claimed to have broken the authority of these Muslim wardens and established “Hindu Raj” in the prison itself!^[41]Vinayak D. Savarkar, The Story of MY TRANSPORTATION FOR LIFE (A Biography of Black days of Andamans) Trans. From the Marathi original Maazi Janmathep by V. N. Naik (Ebook by Chandrashekhar V. Sane, 2016) p. 302. <https://library.bjp.org/jspui/handle/123456789/292> Accessed 12/12/2022. He also claims that Muslims were forcibly converting Hindus to Islam in the Cellular jail (Despite the jail being a highly restrictive and wretched environment, where every day was a fight for survival). In fact, his memoirs are filled with unbelievable tales of Muslim oppression, rather than British oppression! Again, there is no way to verify any of this. After his transformation into a “Hindu Nationalist” post 1922, Savarkar was joined in this endeavour by other brahmins of similar strange origins, such as K. B. Hedgewar (Deshastha Brahmin) and M. S. Golwalkar (Karhade Brahmin).

Since things were getting late with instigating the Partition, the Phoenicians decided they could as well divert the resources of British India towards another project of theirs, World War II. While Gandhi would launch the Quit India movement and oppose participation in World War II, Savarkar would oppose him and call for helping the British with the war effort. The Indian National Congress had won a massive victory in the 1937 British-Indian provincial elections, decimating the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha. But in 1939, the Congress ministries resigned in protest against the British declaring British India to be a belligerent in World War II without consulting the Indian people. This led to the Hindu Mahasabha, under Savarkar’s presidency, joining hands with Jinnah’s Muslim League and other parties to form governments in some provinces. In other words, Savarkar was ready to join hands with Jinnah to disadvantage the Congress. While this is a publicly known instance of the two groups cooperating, there are also some known instances where both groups secretly cooperated in the past. For example, Bal Gangadhar Tilak, a mentor of Savarkar (and another Chitpavani) was represented by Jinnah whenever the British would charge him for sedition.

In other words, Savarkar was ready to join hands with Jinnah to disadvantage the Congress.

There are other strange similarities between Savarkar and Jinnah as well.

• The Spookopolis’ of Bombay and London have a big overlap with the lives of both Jinnah and Savarkar.
• Jinnah was in London from 1892-1895. Savarkar was in London from 1906 to 1910.
• Jinnah was trained as a barrister at one of the four Inns of Court in London (Lincoln’s Inn). Savarkar was also trained as a barrister at one of the four Inns of Court in London (Gray’s Inn). Many other Spooks were churned out of the four Inns of Court in London. A confidante of Savarkar, V.V.S. Iyer, also trained at Lincoln’s Inn.
• Jinnah married into the Parsi business royalty of Bombay (more on that later). In London, Savarkar associated with a Parsi spook at India House. In fact her name and address were printed in his 1857 book itself (for ordering copies). Interestingly, her Paris address was given, not the London one (because that would look suspicious, wouldn’t it?)

The so-called Muslim League

Establishment historians place undue weight on Jinnah’s shoulders for having “created” Pakistan. This helps divert attention from both the British and the localized Phoenicians who were hard at work to achieve the same. The reality is that Jinnah was selected as the public face of the process of Partition when it had reached its very last stage. A process that had begun as early as 1860 (Though the Muslims of the Subcontinent were surprised with this prospect only after 1935). Even if Jinnah was unavailable (or died before the creation of Pakistan) the Phoenicians would have gone ahead with it regardless. The only way to prevent it was to dismantle Phoenician control of the Subcontinent’s politics, which has still not been accomplished in “independent” India and Pakistan.

His origins have been obscured and even his siblings are unknown, but the one red flag that stands out is the overlap of his activities with those organized by master spook, Agha Khan III, head of the Ismaili faith. Jinnah’s family was of an Ismaili background as well, but he later morphs into a Sunni. Jinnah resigned from the Congress party around 1920, because Gandhi was gaining incredible legitimacy among Muslims with his endorsement of positive aspects of the Khilafat movement, such as the boycott of British goods, which would later find an echo in Gandhi’s later noncooperation movements.

So why was Jinnah selected. Was it his good looks? His oratory skills? His formal training in theatre and drama? In London, he even had a brief stage career with a Shakespearean company

Another big red flag is Jinnah’s marriage into the Parsi business royalty of Bombay. He married Rattanbai Petit,^[42]Rattanbai was more at home with the boozy super-rich parties at Bombay, rather than supporting Jinnah. We are told she died at 29, estranged from Jinnah the granddaughter of the super-rich Dinshaw Maneckji Petit (Maneckji as in the Phoenician settlement of Manika, off the coast of Greece). Here is what we know about how Maneckji made his fortune:

As broker to European firms, Petit amassed a large fortune during the period of speculation in Bombay at the time of the American Civil War. He founded the Manockji Petit Spinning & Weaving Mills.

Not everybody gets to be a broker for European firms in India. And of course, making money off speculation requires inside information.

The British loved him so much that despite being a “British-Indian” citizen, he gets a baronetcy, which is usually reserved for high level Phoenicians in Britain. To quote,

The Petit Baronetcy, of Petit Hall on the Island of Bombay, is a title in the Baronetage of the United Kingdom. It was created on 1 September 1890 for the Indian entrepreneur and philanthropist Dinshaw Maneckji Petit.

The baronetcy was created with remainder to Framjee Petit, second son of the first Baronet, and the heirs male of his body, failing which to the heirs male of the body of the first Baronet. By Special Act of the Legislative Council of India, all holders of the title were to relinquish their own name upon succession and assume the name of the first Baronet.

Below is the coat of arms associated with the baronetcy. Note the Phoenician ship on the coat of arms. Also note the bees/flies, which are of significance to the Phoenicians. The slogan below translates as “Whatever he asks for, he gets what he wants.” How many plebs can claim a similar privilege?

Dinshaw Maneckji Petit’s grandson Fali, married Sylla Tata, a member of the Tata family and the sister of J. R. D. Tata, who later became the longest-serving chairman of the Tata Group, one of India’s leading business conglomerates. Later, the daughter (and only child of Jinnah) marries into the same Parsi business royalty of Bombay! Another Dinshaw associated with the Indian cotton industry became the President of the Congress Party in 1901.

The Parsi business royalty of Bombay originate from the Phoenician-Sassanid pre-Islamic royalty of Iran. They originally came to the Bombay region in ancient times, hoping that once the Muslim invasion was reversed, they would go back. But that never happened. For them, the British Empire in India was the best thing that could have happened. Because the Phoenicians running that Empire started giving them all sorts of trading advantages and contracts, literally making them the industrial elite of Indian Society. Soon the Parsis began to dominate the Sino-Indian opium trade.^[43] Jesse S. Palsetia (2001). The Parsis of India: Preservation of Identity in Bombay City. BRILL. pp. 55–. ISBN 978-90-04-12114-0. Retrieved 6 March 2013. They were thus also the biggest apologetics of British rule. One such notorious Parsi apologetic was Mancherjee Bhownaggree, who would sugarcoat the atrocities of of the British before British commoners.

Another group which claims direct descent from the Phoenician-Sassanid pre-Islamic royalty of Iran are the Nawabs of Karnal. Liaquat Ali Khan, the first Prime Minister of Pakistan, was a direct descendant of them.

These folks cannot be expected to be friends or supporters of the Muslims. In fact, one of the first communal riots in India was between Parsi and Muslim shopkeepers. Why do we find them all over the “Pakistan project?” Maybe because Pakistan was meant to be managed as another Phoenician project, rather than a Muslim nation. We do have somewhat confirmation of this in the lifetime of Jinnah.

When Pakistan was created, it immediately steered away from sharia law, and instead continued with the legal system left behind by the British. Phoenicians love British common law because they can fully manipulate its ambiguity, which requires the services of lawyers to decipher. On the other hand, sharia law would create the prospect of thieving Phoenicians losing their little hands in the administration of street-level justice. And this gave them nightmares, as literally all of them are involved in thievery since a very tender age. So while Pakistan was created in the name of safeguarding the rights of Muslims, paradoxically, it was de-Islamicized immediately after its creation.

Going back to Jinnah’s roots, they inexplicably truncate in Gujarat. Coincidentally in Gujarat, there was a short-lived Muslim princely state called Cambay State. It was once part of the Mughal Empire but was later snatched up by the British. The British then arranged for thousands of Monster-Jews from Iraq to migrate to Cambay and divert the lucrative trade of the region towards themselves, rather than have old families associated with the Mughals continue to profit from it. These Monster-Jews specialized in impersonating Muslims throughout their entire public lives. They had been practicing and refining this particular deception for ages in Iraq. However, around 1820, a Mamluk ruler of Iraq named Dawud Pasha started cracking down on them, making migration a neccessity.

We do know for fact that the chief treasurer of Baghdad, a wealthy Jew named David Sassoon fled to Bombay and established the Sassoon business cabal there, which soon began to dominate the opium trade. Another wealthy Jew from Baghdad named David Joseph Ezra established himself in Calcutta and also began dominating the opium trade there. In both cases, the British facilitated them in every way possible. These folks are documented because they were too big to be concealed. The point is that there were also thousands of smaller ones, who continued to cosplay as Muslims.

One such mysterious “Arab-origin” family that settled down in Cambay were the Tyabjis. A scion of this family, Mulla Aamil Al-Hadd ul-Fazil Tyab Ali (Bhai Miyan) moved to Bombay. His son Badruddin Tyabji became President of the Congress Party in 1887.^[44]After returning from London, he became the first Indian barrister at the High Court of Bombay. He was also the first Muslim and the third Indian judge of Bombay High Court in 1895. He was elected to Bombay’s Municipal Corporation between 1873 and 1886. He also acted as a member of the University of Bombay’s Senate between 1875 and 1905, and was appointed to the Bombay Legislative Council between 1882 and 1886. He also played a key role in founding the Bombay Presidency Association in 1885, which in the same year, hosted the first meeting of the Indian National Congress. Another Ismaili Rahimtullah Sayani became President of the Congress Party in 1896. We know Jinnah was involved with the Congress Party from 1904 but left in 1915. These people seemed to be preventing legitimate representation of Muslims in the subcontinent. There were legitimate Muslim leaders in the Congress as well, such as Maulana Azad, who spent many years of his life in British-Indian prisons. In contrast, Jinnah was never jailed by the British. Not even once.

One such Iraqi-origin Monster-Jewess born into a clan closely related with the Tyabjis was Atiya Fyzee.^[45]Her great-grandfather was Bhai Miyan. Atiya would later marry an openly Jewish Chitpavani named Samuel Rahamin. Her sister managed to marry into the royalty of Janjira State but that did not work out. Her brother, Ali Azhar Beg became a Wimbledon and Davis Cup tennis player (but why did he drop the family surname?). Outwardly, Atiya seemed to identify with Shiism and as an Ismaili.^[46]Her nephew Asaf A. A. Fyzee wrote a Compendium of Fatimid Law. She and her husband are buried at the Sulaimani Bohra cemetery in Karachi Her mysterious father, Hasan Afindi, was an advisor to Ottoman Caliph Abdul Hamid II. The Istanbul-born Atiya Fyzee became first woman from South Asia to attend the University of Cambridge. Atiya Fyzee was a childhood friend of Navajbai Sett, who was the daughter of Ardesir Merwanji Sett, the hereditary head of the priestly caste of the Parsi community. They attended school together in Bombay.^[47]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 75. Navajbai was later married to Ratanji Tata. Another close friend of hers was Flora Sassoon^[48]The wife of  Solomon David Sassoon of the wealthy Jewish family that ran the Bombay based trading company, David Sassoon and Sons. This company, which dominated the Sino-Indian opium trade was established by the immigrant leader of the Baghdadi Jewish community in Bombay, David Sassoon.^[49]David Sassoon and Sons formed part of a consortium of British merchants who founded the “Hong Kong & Shanghai Banking Corporation” in 1865. It was later owned by UBS One of his grandsons would marry into the Rothschilds. Flora Sassoon would dispatch her motorcar to bring Atiya to her lavish London home.^[50]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 75-76. At their London home, Atiya hobnobbed with the the Ezra Jewish family of Calcutta. Like the Sassoons, the Ezra family also fled Iraq around 1820.^[51]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 75-76. Atiya was also a close friend of the wife of Samuel Samuel,^[52]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 257 another Iraqi Jewish businessman who fled to Britain.  Samuel was the creator of the Shell Group, which was later associated with the Rothschilds.

Back then, the Tyabjis were involved in peddling feminism to the Muslims of the Subcontinent, and this required the dismantling of the pre-existing purdah system, which had prevailed since Islam came to India (It was also found among Hindus and it had developed among them indigenously even before Islam, and thus Hindu “reformers” were tasked with suppressing it among Hindus as well). The Tyabjis and Atiya Fyzee were active in this Phoenician project.

• Badruddin Tyabji co-founded the reformist Anjuman-i-Islam and social clubs in Bombay such as the Islam Club and the Islam Gymkhana. In 1903, he acted as President of the Muhammadan Educational Conference, and quoted misquoted from the Quran to attack the purdah^[53]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 22. Later, Atiya’s sister Zehra helped Shaikh Abdullah, the Aligarh based reformer and educationalist to organize a meeting of the female section of the Muhammadan Educational Conference.^[54]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 38
• In 1925, Atiya Fyzee would gate-crash the Muhammadan Educational Conference and climb up the dais to deliver a speech on equal rights for women.^[55]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 23.
• Atiya Fyzee and her sisters participated in some of the first Muslim women’s organisations of British India. They were among the delegates who attended the inaugural All-India Muslim Ladies Conference (or Anjuman-i-Khawatin-i-Islam) when it was established in Aligarh in 1914. Zehra Fyzee was elected to its working committee. Helping facilitate these activities was the Fyzee’s collaboration with the female ruler of the Spookopolis of Bhopal, Nawab Sultan Jahan Begum. This Begum turned the Spookopolis of Bhopal into a sanctuary for for ambitious women, who were granted stipends and jobs. All three Fyzee sisters spent long periods of time at the court of the Spookopolis of Bhopal. But Atiya got banned in 1920, owing to some undisclosed scandal.^[56]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 32-33.
• In a trip to USA in 1918, Atiya gave a lecture that was subsequently published by the American Asiatic Society in their New York based journal called Asia. She made dubious claims of an Indian golden age where women were equals, including women from Ramayana as well as Mughal Queens!^[57]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 39. During this trip, her Jewish husband’s paintings were exhibited at the prestigious Knoedler Gallery in New York, and Mughal and Persian miniature paintings were loaned to the exhibit by George Dupont Pratt.^[58]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 38. Despite the fact that his paintings were later considered to be rubbish by the Victoria and Albert Museum’s Indian Section in 1952. Maybe his art was a front to enable “Western purchasers” to back Phoenician projects in the Subcontinent.
• In 1906, an Ismaili named Abdullah Yusuf Ali first came to public attention in Britain after he gave a lecture at the Royal Society of Arts in London in 1906, organised by his mentor Sir George Birdwood and Sir William Lee-Warner, chairman of the Indian Section of the Royal Society of Arts. Another mentor of his was Lord James Meston, formerly Lieutenant Governor of the United Provinces of British India. This famous lecture was about women’s rights in Islam, or rather a sneak attack on the purdah. As expected, Atiya Fyzee was present for the lecture, along with another Spook originally from Awadh, Syed Ameer Ali.^[59]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 39, 72-73 Both Yusuf Ali and Ameer Ali were shameless supporters of the British Empire. Yusuf Ali pointedly supported the British Indian effort in World War I,^[60]Interestingly, the Phoenicians seemed to have later abandoned Yusuf Ali as he had later in his life become too deeply allied with genuine Muslims. He died alone and in poverty in Britain. and Ameer Ali later emerged as a founding member of the All India Muslim League. Yusuf Ali would later attack the Wakf system of Muslims, as the British wanted to control Muslim religious endowments.^[61]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 163.
• The following are some other Spook Feminists Atiya Fyzee hung out with:
  • One of Atiya’s best friend was Cornelia Sorabjee,^[62]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 69. a bitter Parsi/Christian/British/Hindu Spook who campaigned all her life against the purdah She was also a shameless apologetic of the British Empire.
  • Diwan Bhai Abdul Hamid, Chief Minister of Kapurthala Spook-Princely State in India under the British Raj.^[63]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 73-74
  • Bengali feminist Krishnabhabini Das, who was a founding member of Bharat Stree Mahamandal, an early feminist organization.^[64]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 73-74
  • Prasannatara Gupta, wife of Brahmo Samaj figure G. Gupta.^[65]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 73-74
  • Princess Sophia Duleep Singh, a daughter of the last exiled Maharaja of the Sikh Empire, who was using her name to promote radical feminism.^[66]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 73-74 This confirms my earlier view that the Sikh Empire was “merged” with the British Empire because they were both Phoenician projects. Only this can explain why Sikh royalty would collaborate with the British in later Phoenician projects.
  • Lolita Roy, another Indian feminist who was also a supporter of the British-Indian war effort.^[67]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 73-74
  • Maharani Chimnabai of the Spookopolis of Baroda: A raging feminist who in 1914, stopped observing the purdah system prevalent among royal Indian women. She was appointed Life Council of the National Association of Women in India in 1925 and was President of the first All Indian Women’s Conference in Pune in 1927.^[68]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 241
  • Maharani Suniti Devi of the Spook-princely state of Cooch Behar.^[69]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 73-74
  • Atiya’s sister Nazli Begum somehow became President of the Hindu Women’s Club.^[70]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 175

Soon the Phoenicians realized that it was necessary to induct genuine influential Muslim thinkers into supporting their program. Of course, these thinkers would be repulsed if they saw it for what it was. But they could still be duped into supporting certain parts of the program. And so, Atiya Fyzee was tasked with targeting two important Muslim thinkers of that time, the Rajput-origin theologian Shibli Nomani and the poet philosopher Iqbal. She was trying hard to induce them (using her “friendship” and financial support) to peddle destruction of the purdah system, support for the Partition and a revival of Rumi (whom I have outed in a book). It seems Shibli Nomani refused peddle Feminism and Atiya Fyzee deserted him, and Iqbal later developed a dislike for for her.

Atiya first approached Shibli pretending that she wanted her Urdu corrected.^[71]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 51 Strangely enough, Atiya was pushing for separate syllabuses for girls and boys in Muslim religious schools, which is not exactly how Feminism is supposed to work. Maybe this was a plot to divide the genders even further, making girls revile religion altogether. To quote,

Shibli was in a very different camp than Atiya when it came to purdah. He had refuted fellow modernist Syed Ameer Ali in a 1890 article entitled Pardah aur islam. Atiya argued that there should be a separate syllabus for girls and boys, but Shibli argued on the Deobandi line established by Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanwi that there should be a single standard. To quote Shibli, (53) “I am totally opposed to there being a separate syllabus for girls. This is a fundamental mistake which is afflicting Europe too. Efforts must be made to reduce the distance that has emerged between these two groups, not to increase it, and if conversation, conduct, speech, social intercourse, pleasantries, all become separate, the gap increases, then the two will be different species.”^[72]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 52-53

It seems Atiya was trying to use Shibli to get a foothold into ulema circles. To quote,

Shibli once tried to convince the Ulema of Nadva to allow him to invite his benefactor, Nazli Begum, the elder sister of Attiya in whose palace he had completed his masterpiece, Seerut-un-Nabvi, to lay the foundation stone of one of the halls of the Institution. He was flatly refused. ^[73]Mohammad Ashraf Chaudhry, The Nightingale of Hind: Attiya Faizi, 2004 pakistanlink.com <https://pakistanlink.org/Opinion/2010/Mar10/19/08.HTM> Accessed 16/12/2022

After Shibli’s death, she and her sister published some alleged private letters of Shibli in the Bhopal women’s magazine, Zill us-Sultan in 1922.^[74]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 56 The motive was to scandalize his reputation.

Atiya was introduced to Iqbal in Cambridge by a certain Syed Ali Bilgrami.^[75]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 57 He appears to be related to Syed Hussain Bilgrami, who is a confirmed Spook.^[76]Syed Hussain Bilgrami was one of the founding members of the Muslim League. He also wrote a book covering up the murder of Salarjung, who was poisoned by the British. He received, for his services, the titles of Nawab Ali Yar Khan Bahadur, Motaman Jung, Imad-ud-Dowla and Imad-ul-Mulk and also the CSI from the Government of India for his services to the British Empire. He was made Secretary of State’s Council for India. He also promoted “women’s education” in Hyderabad. We are told that Syed Ali Bilgrami (1853-1911) was a “civil servant” in Hyderabad who visited England in 1876, accompanying Prime Minister Salar Jung (which again ties him with Syed Hussain Bilgrami) and did not return till 1901. He catalogued Arabic and Persian manuscripts at the India Office Library in London. He also made the draft constitution for the Aligarh Muslim University. She soon became obsessed with Iqbal, although it seems that Iqbal did not return her affections. In 1933, Atiya’s sister Nazli Begum enlisted Iqbal to write on her behalf to British authorities for the right to be called the ‘ex-Begum of Janjira’, though the state of Janjira remained resistant to her claims, and her ex-husband, the Nawab of Janjira had died while she was estranged and childless.

The problem with Atiya Fyzee’s interest in the “rights” of Muslim women is that she and the other cryptos were the most inappropriate people to make that call. Some would even hesitate calling them “people” because their humanity is also disputed. What we have here are predatory, vampiristic monsters, historical enemies of the Muslims, feasting on the dead carcass of Mughal India, enablers of rapacious British colonialism, profiting from the miseries of the opium trade, appointing themselves as stewards of the orphaned Muslim community. And not content with permanently partitioning the Muslim community from their roots in North India, here they are working on further “partitioning” the genders by making women compete with men for livelihood.

Going back to Jinnah, his sister, Fatima Jinnah was also an outgoing, raging feminist. This of course does not imply that there is a direct connection (yet) between the Jinnahs and the Tyabjis. But there is one little detail that cannot be ignored. With the creation of Pakistan in 1947, Atiya and her Jewish husband (who now morphs into a Muslim) set up shop in Pakistan. But unlike the millions of displaced Muslims who ended up in poverty and without promise of a better future, Atiya seems to have benefactors across the border! To quote,

As they did so [migrated] at the personal invitation of Pakistan’s founder, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, some anecdotes suggest that Atiya was motivated by his rallying call of ‘Islam in Danger.’  More probable in light of this biographical overview is that she would have been flattered by his appeal to take a central role in the cultural scene of Pakistan’s new capital. ^[77]Siobhan Lambert-Hurley and Sunil Sharma, Atiya’s Journeys – A Muslim Woman from Colonial Bombay to Edwardian Britain (New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2010) p. 41

To further quote another source,

On Quaid’s [Jinnah’s] special invitation, they sold all their belongings and moved to Karachi. He gave them a plot on which they built a replica of their Riffat Palace.^[78]The original Riffat palace was a royal palace of the Nawab of Janjira whom Atiya’s sister had married. It became a hangout for all the sisters in Bombay. in Karachi, near the Art Council building on the Lawrence Garden Road. Their new home was an exquisite blend of Eastern and Western patterns. ^[79]<https://pakistanlink.org/Opinion/2010/Mar10/19/08.HTM> Accessed 16/12/2022

How nice of Jinnah to settle them like the new royalty of Pakistan. Now if only he had been so much considerate for other Muslims as well. On the other hand, the Muslim League did not bother opening an office in the majority Muslim Spook-state of Kashmir, because the Phoenicians had deemed that it was going to be an independent nation. That did not end well.

Atiya Fyzee’s marriage guest list (above) reads like a who’s who of British-India’s crypto-Phoenicians. Her husband takes his wife’s surname as his first one (because Samuel sounded very Jewish) and starts pretending to be a Muslim. While her husband is portrayed as living in the shadow of his wife, note that the wedding guest list is peppered with the scions of Maratha Spook states. Was he too of a Chitpavani-Peshwa royal line? Was the upcoming Spook-state of Pakistan the latest addition to their turf? Were Atiya and her husband pre-selected as candidates for the royalty of this new nation (or so, they thought)? After all, Atiya Fyzee had earned her share of Pakistan with her hard work. And her husband’s bloodline narrowly missed crowning themselves as the rulers of Mughal India in 1761. Now was the time to settle accounts.

On 14^th August 1947, Pakistan came into being. On 11^th September 1948, a sick Jinnah was stranded on the tarmac of Karachi airport and died shortly afterwards. Some argue that he cannot be thus judged for what Pakistan became, because he was never there to lead it.^[80]The Muslim League however, went on to splinter into several factions but continued to dominate politics in Pakistan. It produced some of the most corrupt politicians of that country. There is another theory that Jinnah’s sister and Liaquat Ali Khan were later ousted by another group within Pakistan, for better or for worse. It is beyond the scope of this paper to discuss these theories. As for Atiya Fyzee,

Hardly had they lived there for two to three years that they got evicted. One contention is that the house they built was illegally constructed. They who had bequeathed their most famous pieces of art and paintings to friends, now once again found themselves in the Carlton Hotel. Virtually this most famous family became homeless in the early fifties.^[81]Mohammad Ashraf Chaudhry, The Nightingale of Hind: Attiya Faizi, 2004 pakistanlink.com <https://pakistanlink.org/Opinion/2010/Mar10/19/08.HTM> Accessed 16/12/2022

While Atiya Fyzee may have once prided her skills at infiltrating the lives of genuine Muslim intellectuals, she was clearly not a Muslim by heart. Even a trivial Muslim would have known to avoid messing with a genuine religious man like Shibli Noumani for fear of getting cursed. Maybe something like that happened here. This part of Atiya Fyzee’s life has been largely censored. But we do know that in Pakistan, she and her husband were engaged in churning out epic levels of Spookery, earning enemies on a daily basis.

There was a huge power vacuum following the surprise death of Jinnah. And a hidden power struggle ensued. There was even talk of establishing a monarchy, reminiscent of Bhai Parmanand’s prediction that we came across earlier. For that to happen, Jinnah’s “departure” on September 11^th 1948 (note spook marker of 9/11) was to create a downward spiral that would prevent the emergence of a democratic republic. Later, we do see the military trying to accomplish the same.

It looks like Atiya and her husband made some big enemies in this time, including a powerful one in the military. Atiya Fyzee’s fortunes are a good barometer of of Phoenician Spookery in the vicinity. Her fortunes were buoyant in British India because she had the entire machinery of the British-Phoenicians, the Tyabjis, the Parsis and the Spook princely states behind her. Conversely, in post-Jinnah Pakistan, her fortunes nose-dived and she found herself in a rough neighborhood. Which is good news for the people of Pakistan. “Managing” Muslims was not as easy as the Phoenicians had assumed.

There were many Muslim groups and Muslim leaders who opposed the Partition. There was even an assassination attempt on Jinnah by a Muslim. The most notable Muslim groups/leaders opposing the partition were:

• Maghfoor Ahmad Ajazi
• Abdul Qaiyum Ansari
• Abul Kalam Azad
• Sayyid Maududi
• Ubaidullah Sindhi (He was a Sikh convert to Islam)
• Saifuddin Kitchlew
• Hakim Ajmal Khan
• Mahmud Hasan Deobandi: He was imprisoned in Malta for five years for his role in the Khilafat Movement.
• The Khaksar Movement: During the Partition, they took a vow to save as many lives as they could, irrespective of religion. Their founder Allama Mashriqi thought that “Muslim majority areas were already under Muslim rule, so if any Muslims wanted to move to these areas, they were free to do so without having to divide the country.”
• All India Azad Muslim Conference: To quote, “The Canadian orientalist Wilfred Cantwell Smith felt that the attendees at the Delhi session in 1940 represented the “majority of India’s Muslims,” and The Bombay Chronicle documented on 18^th April 1946 that “The attendance at the Nationalist meeting was about five times than the attendance at the League meeting.”” Yet the British completely sidelined them. The following groups were allied with them:
  • Sind Ittehad Party
  • Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind
  • Majlis-e-Ahrar-ul-Islam
  • All India Momin Conference
  • All India Shia Political Conference
  • Khudai Khidmatgar
  • Krishak Praja Party
  • Anjuman-i-Watan Baluchistan
  • All India Muslim Majlis
  • Jamiat Ahl-i-Hadees
  • Assam Valley Party
  • Unionist Party
  • All India Sunni Jamiyyathul Ulema/All India Sunni Conference (left in 1946)
  • Muslim Independent Party

But they lay powerless, just as their ancestors had laid powerless before the trap of the 1857 Project.

CONTENTS

1. The Secret History of British India’s “Freedom Movements.”
2. An Introduction to the “1857 Project”
3. The 1857 Project as a Spook Playbook for later Ops in the Subcontinent
4. Phoenician Spookopolis’ Across the Subcontinent
5. A (long) note on Fazl-e-Haq Khairabadi
6. The Strange Fate of Jhansi State
7. Later “Freedom Movements” that follow the 1857 Rebellion Playbook
8. How the Blueprint Unfolded Part I – The Bengal Front
9. How the Blueprint Unfolded Part II -The Ghadr Party and the Punjab Front
10. How the Blueprint Unfolded Part III -The Communalists
11. How the Blueprint Unfolded Part IV – The Non-Cooperationists
12. Conclusion; Revisiting the “Original Blueprint” + Epilogue: Reactivation!